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An Evaluation of the Achievements of the First International Polar Year

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Part of the book series: From Pole to Pole ((POLE))

Abstract

First of all it should be noted that the first polar year did not start from scratch. During the 50 years prior to it a lot of polar expeditions with significant research components had already taken place. Differentiation in science together with societal needs of agriculture, commerce and navigation had contributed to the existence of meteorology and magnetic studies as important disciplines. Reporting and plotting weather observations had become systematised and benefited from the development of telegraph services. Systematic observation in the upper part of the northern hemisphere was however lacking, while at the same time it was intimated that weather events in that region might have a bearing on weather variability in Europe and North America. What was new and pioneering with the first international polar year was its dedication to obtaining the first series ever of coordinated synoptic observations at multiple locations in the Arctic. Moreover, it was the first international meteorological experiment in a defined region over a specific period of observation. In addition there were two regular stations set in the far south (see below), plus a meteorological station in Port Stanley,1 while 35 temperate and tropical observatories were also engaged. Magnetic observatories all over the world were involved.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The Port Stanley meteorological station was set up for IPY-1 by the Deutsche Seewarte.

  2. 2.

    The concept (later associated with magnetic solar storms) of electric currents flowing into and away from an auroral ionosphere was first proposed by Birkeland, hence the term “Birkeland current” (Birkeland 1908). This was adopted in later literature and is still used. The existence was confirmed by satellite observations in 1960.

  3. 3.

    Lüdecke (2008).

  4. 4.

    Nyberg (1982:21).

  5. 5.

    ibid:22.

  6. 6.

    ibid:21; Birkeland (1908:Preface, iii) reported having made use of evidence of “certain well-marked magnetic storms in 1882–1883, from the observations in the reports of the international expeditions”.

  7. 7.

    According to Latter 1981, “Krakatoa, 1883, is the only eruption sequence for which sufficient data exist for a detailed study of tsunamis. The times at which air and water waves generated by this sequence were recorded have been reread, and new origin times have been calculated and compared with observations made at the time.” Nicolet 1984 gives the figure 150 m/s for the speed of the great tidal wave.

  8. 8.

    Baker (2009).

  9. 9.

    Barr (2008) is used as a source here. A well-balanced critical historical assessment of the conditions of and results coming out of the three expeditions in the Canadian Arctic may be found in Levere (1993:315–334).

  10. 10.

    Barometers were usually kept in the main building because pressure inside and outside the house is the same.

  11. 11.

    Barr (2008:286).

  12. 12.

    cf. Nicolet (1984).

  13. 13.

    Wilczek and Weyprecht (1887:1, cited in Summerhayes 2008:323).

  14. 14.

    Daniel (1973:11).

  15. 15.

    Tollner and others (1934:11).

  16. 16.

    Andrée (2008).

  17. 17.

    ibid.:38.

  18. 18.

    ibid.:46.

  19. 19.

    ibid.:38.

  20. 20.

    ibid.:84.

  21. 21.

    ibid.:79.

  22. 22.

    See also Chap. 2 in this volume where the authors take up the friction between Neumayer and Wild and their differences regarding the mandates of the International Meteorological Committee and the International Polar Commission, with Neumayer wanting the latter to be independent while Wild insisted on subordination to the IMC.

  23. 23.

    The case for this is well argued by Tammiksaar et al. (2009).

  24. 24.

    This investigation involving an on-site visit to the “starvation camp” was undertaken during the International Arctic Polynya Expedition 1998; see Weslawski and Legezynska (2002).

  25. 25.

    At this meeting, at the Xth International Geographical Congress (IGC) a proposal put forward was that contact ought to be taken with the Carnegie Institution of Washington, USA, to see if someone there might be willing to tackle the task of synthesizing the data records (Commission Polaire Internationale, 1913:21–22). G. Lecointe said he would take the appropriate contact to explore the possibility, but what happened after that is unknown.

  26. 26.

    Cited in Baker (1982:282).

  27. 27.

    See further Lüdecke (2004).

  28. 28.

    Nivanlinna (1999).

  29. 29.

    Fleming and Seitchek (2009); see also Wood and Overland (2006).

  30. 30.

    For a return to observations taken in Canada see Newitt and Dawson (1984) and Nevanlinna (1999).

  31. 31.

    Baschin (1900); also Størmer (1955).

  32. 32.

    Jago (2001) and Kragh (2009).

  33. 33.

    Bones (2007:109) and Størmer (1913).

  34. 34.

    Barr (2008:347–348).

  35. 35.

    Tromholt (1885).

  36. 36.

    For further references to early “Arctic anthropology” see Krupnik et al. (2005:89–90).

  37. 37.

    Nordenskjöld (1897); it may be noted here that Nordenskjöld himself was an ecumenically minded Christian with a positive view of the white man’s civilizing mission – cf. Elzinga and others (2004).

  38. 38.

    Barr (2008:62).

  39. 39.

    Barr (2003:55).

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Acknowledgement

This is made of helpful comments provided by Rip Bulkeley and Cornelia Lüdecke on a draft of this chapter.

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Correspondence to Aant Elzinga .

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Elzinga, A. (2010). An Evaluation of the Achievements of the First International Polar Year. In: Barr, S., Luedecke, C. (eds) The History of the International Polar Years (IPYs). From Pole to Pole. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-12402-0_4

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