Abstract
Experiments embedded in surveys of nationally representative samples of American adults assessed whether attitudes toward preparation for the possible effects of global warming varied depending on who endorsed such efforts, the stated purpose of preparation, the consequences of global warming targeted in a preparation message, and the words used to describe preparation and its alternative. Collapsing across all experiments, most (74 %) Americans preferred preparing for possible consequences of global warming. The experimental manipulations produced statistically significant variation in this percentage, but in ways inconsistent with a series of perspectives that yield predictions about this variation. Preference for preparation was not greater when it was described using more familiar or simpler terms (preference for preparation was greatest when it was described as to “increase preparedness” and least when described as “increase resilience”), when efforts were said to be focused on people’s health rather than on people and the environment generally or on coastal ecosystems in particular, or when preparation was endorsed by more generally trusted groups (preference for preparation was highest when no one explicitly endorsed it or when endorsed by government officials or university researchers and declined when religious leaders or business leaders endorsed it). Thus, these experiments illustrate the value of empirical testing to gauge the impact of variation in descriptions of policy options in this arena and illustrate how communication approaches may have influenced public opinion in the past.
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The present study did not investigate the effects of other types of framing, such as gain vs. loss framing (Tversky and Kahneman 1981).
Respondents were randomly assigned to hear the question as shown here or to hear the two alternatives in the reverse order (“try to prepare for the changes before they happen…” preceded “wait for these changes to happen and then adapt to the”). This manipulation did not cause a statistically significant change in the distribution of responses in the full sample (p = .46) or among respondents who had no college education, among whom response order effects are typically strongest (p = .96).
The no endorser vs. endorser versions varied not only in terms of the mention of an endorser but in the use of the word “could” vs. “should.” This difference in language was intentional, since in the absence of an endorser, the question could not sensibly offer an admonition to take a particular action.
Different subgroups of the population may differ in how much they trust various endorsers. We explored the net impact of mentioning an endorser on the entire population, which is of interest because it is often challenging to deliver a tailored message to only a specific subgroup of the population and a different message to other subgroups.
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Acknowledgments
This study was sponsored by the Woods Institute for the Environment and the Center for Ocean Solutions at Stanford University. The authors thank Manuel Gomez-Ramirez and Hector Santa Cruz for their assistance with the Spanish translation of the questionnaire and thank Christine Harrison for her advice. Jon Krosnick is University Fellow at Resources for the Future.
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MacInnis, B., Krosnick, J.A., Abeles, A. et al. The American public’s preference for preparation for the possible effects of global warming: impact of communication strategies. Climatic Change 128, 17–33 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10584-014-1286-x
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10584-014-1286-x